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Teri Gelini's avatar

Another fire being started to keep the chaos up and people unstable and ready to give up. I would ike to know if this event legal move...like that would matter to drumpf.... Just a thought that floated thru my head.

#HOLDFAST

Teri

HKJANE's avatar

Hopkins’ argument about the Mullin episode sits in a longer historical pattern he is implicitly drawing on: moments when elected officials or governing coalitions begin shifting from contesting individual critics to treating entire systems of accountability as adversarial.

The closest historical parallel is often found in late-stage institutional stress periods—where leaders no longer frame oversight as a normal feature of governance, but as obstruction. In 1970s–80s Latin American civil-military governments, for example, critics weren’t just “opponents”; courts, press institutions, and oversight bodies were increasingly described as impediments to national stability. The key step was conceptual: once institutions themselves became “the problem,” the range of acceptable political action widened dramatically.

Hopkins’ point about Mullin is that the same conceptual shift—on a far milder but still recognizable scale—appears when political actors stop engaging accountability structures as neutral referees and start treating them as partisan instruments. In U.S. history, similar tensions have surfaced in episodes like the post-Watergate reforms, when Congress explicitly strengthened inspectors general and ethics regimes precisely because unchecked executive discretion had produced abuse. The lesson of that era was that systems, not just individuals, needed constraints.

What Hopkins is warning about is the reversal of that logic: instead of reinforcing systems after conflict, political actors begin rhetorically and procedurally eroding them during conflict. That includes casting ethics offices, investigative journalism, or congressional oversight as inherently biased or illegitimate.

In that frame, Mullin is not just an isolated figure but an example of a broader governing instinct Hopkins is tracking: the move from “this person is unfair to me” to “this entire mechanism for checking me is hostile.” Historically, that transition matters because it changes the target from individuals—who can be replaced or debated—to institutions themselves, which are harder to repair once their legitimacy is steadily undermined.

Hopkins’ underlying historical comparison is less about a single regime and more about a recurring democratic vulnerability: systems tend to erode not when rules are openly abolished, but when political actors begin treating the rules themselves as optional only when inconvenient.

#HOLDFAST

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