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HKJANE's avatar

Jack is correct.

Note which instrument was used. Not a bill. Not a statute. Not a congressional authorization debated in committee and passed by elected representatives accountable to voters. A settlement — negotiated between a president and the executive agencies under his direct authority, resolving litigation the president himself initiated — producing a compensation structure worth $1.776 billion, administered through a mechanism the Judgment Fund that Congress created for an entirely different purpose and that, until now, almost nobody outside administrative law had reason to think about.

The Judgment Fund exists because government loses lawsuits. When it does, the money to satisfy those judgments has to come from somewhere, and requiring a new appropriations vote for every settled claim would make federal litigation administratively unworkable. It is supposed to be boring. It is supposed to be invisible. Critics now argue it has been used to do something it was never designed to do: create a large, politically directed compensation pool, controlled by figures aligned with the executive, available to claimants whose primary qualification is that they believe themselves to have been victimized by the government the president now runs. If courts allow it to function as described, future presidents will have been shown a model.

Jack is correct that the January 6th question is not a distraction from the main story. It is the main story made visible. When officials declined to fully exclude Capitol attack participants from potential eligibility, they revealed the operative definition of victimhood inside this framework. A victim is not someone who suffered a recognized legal injury. A victim is someone who believes the system was turned against the movement. That belief — that conviction of shared persecution — becomes the credential. A compensation structure that recognizes that credential has crossed into territory the constitutional order was specifically designed to prevent.

The Founders understood what they were doing when they gave Congress the power of the purse. They had studied republics. They had watched what happened when executives gained independent access to public money. The power to distribute resources is the power to create dependence, and a leader who can reward loyalty with public funds is building something that cannot remain a republic in any meaningful sense. The appropriations clause is not a technicality. It is load-bearing.

Note which scholars are most alarmed. Not partisans. People who have spent careers reading constitutional structure with professional precision. They recognize that systems built around grievance and compensation develop their own logic. Loyalty becomes financially meaningful. Victimhood becomes administratively valuable. Conflict becomes necessary — not because anyone plans it that way, but because the incentive structure requires an ongoing enemy to justify the ongoing compensation. The movement must remain under attack forever, because the identity and now potentially the financial architecture of the movement depend on sustained persecution.

This is not the story of one controversial fund. It is the story of what happens when executive authority, grievance politics, and public money begin to merge into a single operational structure. The courts may yet intervene. They may find standing problems and avoid the constitutional core. What they will not be able to do is un-create the precedent that was attempted — the demonstration that this mechanism exists and that an administration was willing to use it this way. Future operators will know what was tried. They will plan accordingly.

Every expansion of executive power eventually changes hands. That is not a partisan observation. It is the operating principle of constitutional history. The question this litigation will help answer is whether the boundary between executive settlement authority and congressional appropriations power is still a real boundary — or whether it has become, like so many others in this period, a principle that exists in the text and functions at the discretion of whoever holds power.

Jack is correct. File the date.

#HOLDFAST

Susan's avatar

Thank you, Jack. I was already furious about this but admittedly, I hadn’t thought of it this way… the precedent.. It’s frightening.

There’s so much I’d miss if I weren’t here. There are days when I almost wish I didn’t see things so clearly but we NEED this. We need to understand just how dangerous what’s happening actually is. I’m grateful to have found you early in all this and to be here now.. even if sometimes it’s difficult.

I hope the former judges.. prosecutors.. and others are successful in stopping it. I hope the guardrails hold.

#Holdfast

~Susan

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